US at risk of losing health designation it’s had for 25 years

(NEXSTAR) – Measles was officially declared “eliminated” in the United States in 2000. If things keep going the way they’ve been going in 2025, that designation could soon change.

“Measles elimination status” is achieved in a country or region when there hasn’t been sustained transmission of the virus for a period of 12 months or longer, explained Dr. William Moss, an epidemiology professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and director of the school’s International Vaccine Access Center, in a media briefing this month.

A country will lose that elimination status once an outbreak extends longer than a year, he said. We recently came close to crossing that threshold, but barely avoided it.

“We’ve gone a quarter of a century with our measles elimination status,” Moss said. “We almost lost that in 2019 when this large outbreak in New York state and New York City almost extended beyond 12 months. It was just shy of 12 months.”

More than 1,200 measles cases were reported that year, largely in area without widespread vaccination, including Orthodox Jewish communities in New York.

So far this year, nearly 500 cases have been confirmed, and the number has been rising every week the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announces its new tally.

The largest outbreak of 2025 is in West Texas, where the virus has largely spread in undervaccinated Mennonite communities. Studies of past measles outbreaks in Amish communities indicate this wave of new cases could last many months or a year.

Moss said it’s hard to say whether this year’s outbreak, which started in January, will last longer than 12 months, but it’s possible.

“I hope that is not the case and we can get a handle on this through increasing vaccination coverage but it does remain a threat and we could potentially lose our measles elimination status if this continues the way it has.”

In 1978, the CDC announced a goal of eliminating the highly contagious virus. The agency set a deadline for 1982.

The U.S. missed that deadline by quite a few years, but finally achieved elimination by 2000 “thanks to a highly effective vaccination program in the United States, as well as better measles control in the Americas region,” the CDC says.

Vaccine skepticism has increased since the COVID-19 pandemic, but there are early signs more people are getting vaccinated with against measles since the outbreaks in Texas and New Mexico began, the Associated Press reports.

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Last month, some House members publicly acknowledged that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza. It’s a judgment that Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch unequivocally proclaimed a year ago. Israeli human-rights organizations have reached the same conclusion. But such clarity is sparse in Congress.

And no wonder. Genocide denial is needed for continuing to appropriate billions of dollars in weapons to Israel, as most legislators have kept doing. Congress members would find it very difficult to admit that Israeli forces are committing genocide while voting to send them more weaponry.

Three weeks ago, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-MI) introduced a resolution titled “Recognizing the genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza.” Twenty-one House colleagues, all of them Democrats, signed on as co-sponsors. They account for 10 percent of the Democrats in Congress.

In sharp contrast, a national Quinnipiac Poll found that 77 percent of Democrats “think Israel is committing genocide.” That means there is a 67 percent gap between what the elected Democrats are willing to say and what the people who elected them believe. The huge gap has big implications for the party’s primaries in the midterm elections next year, and then in the race for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination.

One of the likely candidates in that race, Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), is speaking out in ways that fit with the overwhelming views of Democratic voters.

“I agree with the UN commission's heartbreaking finding that there is a genocide in Gaza,” he tweeted as autumn began. “What matters is what we do about it – stop military sales that are being used to kill civilians and recognize a Palestinian state.”

Consistent with that position, the California congressman was one of the score of Democrats who signed on as co-sponsors of Tlaib’s resolution the day it was introduced.

In the past, signers of such a resolution would have reason to fear the wrath — and the electoral muscle — of AIPAC, the Israel-can-do-no-wrong lobby. But its intimidation power is waning. AIPAC’s support for Israel does not represent the views of the public, a reality that has begun to dawn on more Democratic officeholders.

“With American support for the Israeli government’s management of the conflict in Gaza undergoing a seismic reversal, and Democratic voters’ support for the Jewish state dropping off steeply, AIPAC is becoming an increasingly toxic brand for some Democrats on Capitol Hill,” the New York Times reported this fall. Notably, “some Democrats who once counted AIPAC among their top donors have in recent weeks refused to take the group’s donations.”

Khanna has become more and more willing to tangle with AIPAC, which is now paying for attack ads against him.

On Thanksgiving, he tweeted about Gaza and accused AIPAC of “asking people to disbelieve what they saw with their own eyes.” Khanna elaborated in a campaign email days ago, writing: “Any politician who caves to special interests on Gaza will never stand up to special interests on corruption, healthcare, housing, or the economy. If we can’t speak with moral clarity when thousands of children are dying, we won’t stand for working Americans when corporate power comes knocking.”

AIPAC isn’t the only well-heeled organization for Israel now struggling with diminished clout. Democratic Majority for Israel, an offshoot of AIPAC that calls itself “an American advocacy group that supports pro-Israel policies within the United States Democratic Party,” is now clearly misnamed. Every bit of recent polling shows that in the interests of accuracy, the organization should change its name to “Democratic Minority for Israel.”

Yet the party’s leadership remains stuck in a bygone era. Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), the chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, typifies how disconnected so many party leaders are from the actual views of Democratic voters. Speaking in Brooklyn three months ago, she flatly claimed that “nine out of 10 Democrats are pro-Israel.” She did not attempt to explain how that could be true when more than seven out of 10 Democrats say Israel is guilty of genocide.

The political issue of complicity with genocide will not go away.

Last week, Amnesty International released a detailed statement documenting that “Israeli authorities are still committing genocide against Palestinians in the occupied Gaza Strip, by continuing to deliberately inflict conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction.” But in Congress, almost every Republican and a large majority of Democrats remain stuck in public denial about Israel’s genocidal policies.

Such denial will be put to the electoral test in Democratic primaries next year, when most incumbents will face an electorate far more morally attuned to Gaza than they are. What easily passes for reasoned judgment and political smarts in Congress will seem more like cluelessness to many Democratic activists and voters who can provide reality checks with their ballots.

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