Donald Trump is now fully at war with the Republican Party’s past


Former US President Donald Trump speaks to reporters before his speech at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) on March 4, 2023. | Anna Moneymaker via Getty Images

Trump took the stage at CPAC, blasted his own party, and declared, “I am your retribution.”

Donald Trump is many things, but whatever he is, he’s not a Reagan Republican. Speaking in one of his trademark discursive speeches to the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) on Saturday night, Trump made clear how much his politics diverged from the mold that had defined the Republican Party for generations before he took that infamous ride down an escalator in 2015 and announced he was running for president.

Even if Trump hadn’t tipped his hand when he declared early in his remarks to a mostly full ballroom of diehards in MAGA hats that “we are never going back to the party of Paul Ryan, Karl Rove, and Jeb Bush,” the rest of his speech represented a fundamental repudiation of that era of the Republican Party. But more than that, it represented a reversion toward a pre-World War II GOP, with doses of both populism and paleo-conservatism.

Perhaps the most jarring change from the past was Trump’s derision regarding US aid to Ukraine, just days after the Eastern European country marked the one-year anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked invasion. For over a half-century, hawkish interventionist foreign policy — especially toward Russia — had been one of the fundamental principles of the Republican Party. Trump’s election, especially given the questions about Russia’s efforts to sway the 2016 presidential race, put this into question. But Trump’s speech, which followed harsh attacks on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy throughout the three-day conference from speakers like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA), made it clear how severely the GOP had shifted toward isolationism in recent years.

In his CPAC speech, Trump compared foreign aid, such as the more-than-$75 billion that the Biden administration provided Ukraine, to a business investment that should be rewarded with an equity stake. “In business, you put up the money, seed money . . . you end up owning the country by the time it’s over.” At another point in the speech, he suggested that US foreign aid to countries should be tied to preferential tariff treatment.

He paired this with a grim view of the United States, rooted in “the American carnage” which defined his 2017 inaugural speech that pitted his supporters against shadowy elites — including the “Marxists” he derided in his remarks. To his supporters, he declared “I am your warrior, I am your Justice, and for those who have been wronged and betrayed, I am your retribution,” as he pledged to “eradicate the Deep State,” a group that he blamed for so many of his personal ills as well as those of his supporters.

Trump’s populist appeal was not just rooted in the paranoid style of American politics that had once defined much of the right, it also included a jibe at those fiscal conservatives who have long wanted to cut entitlement spending. “We’re not going back to people that want to destroy our great Social Security system,” he said in a veiled attack at likely rival Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who backed Paul Ryan’s budgets while serving in the House of Representatives.

There were still some familiar social conservative elements in Trump’s remarks, though they were transmuted into the modern Republican coalition from the debates of yesteryear. While abortion was rarely mentioned on stage at CPAC and gay marriage seemed almost as archaic a topic of political debate as sending aid to the Contras, transgender issues provoked perhaps Trump’s most fervent applause. Trump said, if elected, he would sign a bill banning sex change procedures for minors, which he characterized as “chemical castration and genital mutilation,” and he received a standing ovation from the ballroom.

The speech felt like yet another milestone for the Republican Party, not just as the conference embraced Trumpism, but as the American right embraced a more continental conservatism. Trump spoke only hours after former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro’s speech, and Brazilian flags could be spotted throughout the crowd, alternating in patches with the Stars and Stripes and, above all, red MAGA hats. CPAC has increasingly embraced the global right — holding a pro-Viktor Orbán event in Hungary last year and partnering with those who minimized and denied war crimes in World War II in Japan. Not all of this is foreign to American politics — after all, the America First slogan was first used by the isolationists who railed against the United States supporting the Allies in World War II before Pearl Harbor. But this strain of politics had remained submerged on the right, popping up in Pat Buchanan’s speeches and Ron Paul’s newsletters. That’s not the case anymore. The question is just how dominant it will be in 2024 and moving forward.

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After years of advocating "America First," President Donald Trump's administration, the Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced on Friday, "I'm also proud that today we're signing a letter of acceptance to build a Qatari Emiri Air Force facility at the Mountain Home Airbase in Idaho."

It led to a swift meltdown from some of the president's top allies.

Constitutionalist and MAGA influencer "The General" was furious, calling it outright "treason."

"We are in the middle of rolling out military across the entire USA and then bringing in a non-NATO country military into the USA is TREASON. U.S. and Qatar sign deal to open a Qatari 'air force facility,' in the U.S., at Mountain Home Air Force Base, Idaho," he wrote on X.

"Is this what 'shared defense goals' means now — or just the latest way our politicians get paid to sell out our country?" asked Amy Mek, the editor-in-chief of RAIR, an organization that advocates for the U.S. to return to a country run by Judeo-Christian values. "Twenty-four years after foreign nationals trained in our flight schools flew planes into our buildings, our leaders are inviting their financiers to train inside our bases. This is what happens when you gut national-security training, scrub every mention of Islam, jihad, and Sharia from the manuals, and let Obama- and Biden-era bureaucrats turn counterterrorism into cultural sensitivity class. We’re being led by officials who no longer recognize or refuse to name the enemy they’re inviting into our own backyard.'

Close ally to President Trump, Laura Loomer, lamented the news after advocating that the administration declare the Muslim Brotherhood an international terrorist organization.

"Well, I guess this isn’t going to happen since we just gave the Muslim Brotherhood an air base in Idaho. So much for my decade worth of hard work trying to protect Americans from the threat of Islamic terror," said Loomer about the new base.

"No foreign country should have a military base on U.S. soil," she also said. "Especially Islamic countries. I have never felt more betrayed by the GOP than I do now watching Islamic jihadists get away with implementing Sharia law in the US and now they are getting their own airbase where they will train to kill Americans."

She went on to warn that it would make America less safe by setting up "for America to be attacked by Islamic savages from Qatar, the biggest funders of Islamic terror in the entire world. So much so, the Saudis and Emiratis find Qatar to be TOXIC. I need to see how much more of my life I am going to dedicate to a party that won’t address the threat of Islam in the West. The betrayal stings. WE ARE LOSING OUR COUNTRY!"

Content creator and influencer Red Eagle Politics denied the reporting.

"We aren’t giving Argentina a free $20 Billion handout, and we aren’t building an Air Force Base for Qatar in Idaho. The amount of dishonest lunacy on this app is reaching new heights," he wrote on X.

Utah state Sen. Nate Blouin, a Democrat, pointed out that Idaho Republicans "have been crowing about" legislation similar to that his state enacted "blocking foreign ownership of land in their state."

Dan Caldwell, former senior advisor to Hegseth, wrote on X that it wasn't that big of a deal.

"The freak out around this is of course totally unwarranted since this is actually a pretty common practice with countries that buy and operate a lot of U.S. military aircraft. Singapore has a similar facility and detachment for its F-15 training unit at this very same airbase," he said.

Caldwell is one of the DOD aides who was forced out amid Hegseth's Signalgate scandal. He has denied any wrongdoing.