Former BURA chief alleged City Hall fraud

City of Buffalo officials misused millions of dollars in federal anti-poverty funds and steered grants to favored real-estate developers, according to a federal lawsuit filed three and a half years ago and kept under seal until a month ago.

The lawsuit was brought by Nona Watson, a former executive director of the Buffalo Urban Renewal Agency, which serves as a pass-through for federal funds intended to fight poverty, blight and substandard housing. 

Watson led BURA from September 2015 until she was fired in October 2018 — an act of retaliation, she claimed in the suit, “because she raised concerns about illegal and inappropriate practices, including the misuse of federal funds.”

In November 2019, she filed an action under the Federal False Claims Act, accusing the City of Buffalo of perpetrating “a well-orchestrated fraud upon the Buffalo Urban Renewal Agency … and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.” 

Specifically, she claimed city officials used federal money to pay employees to do work on behalf of the city, rather than BURA or the federally funded program for which the money was intended. 

She also accused city officials of bending federal rules to the advantage of a handful of preferred developers — among them Nick Sinatra and David Pawlik — seeking federal anti-poverty funds to help underwrite their projects.


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At the end of March, federal prosecutors decided not to pursue Watson’s allegations further, after three and a half years of filing extensions to keep the case active and the investigation into her allegations open. Court papers did not shed light on the investigators’ findings, nor would the U.S. Attorney’s office when contacted for comment.

In a federal false claims action, an individual alleges an entity is defrauding the federal government. If the government finds the allegations compelling, it investigates. At the end of the investigation, the feds decide whether to seek damages, which can include recouping misused funds and levying fines. The individual who brought the misbehavior to the government’s attention gets a share of the proceeds — typically between 15 and 25 percent.

During the investigation, the complaint and all subsequent court filings are sealed.

On March 24, the federal government dropped Watson’s complaintA spokesperson for U.S. Attorney Trini Ross declined to explain the decision or comment on the matter. Court papers say only that Watson was free to pursue her claims against the city individually. Watson subsequently withdrew her claim. 

Through her attorney, Watson — now living and working in Maryland — declined to comment, indicating a desire to leave the matter behind her. 

As a result, Watson’s complaint was unsealed.



Among her allegations are numerous examples of federal dollars being used to pay employees for work the city should pay for:

  • BURA’s general counsel and his assistant performed work for the city while being paid with federal dollars to work for BURA.
  • BURA’s housing specialist worked on grants and negotiated with financial institutions for the city, while billing all her hours to federally funded programs.
  • An employee in the city’s information technology department was paid with federal anti-poverty dollars intended for BURA, even though “all of her work is for the City, not BURA.”
  • Numerous city employees were paid with anti-poverty funds from HUD, but without the timekeeping and attendance records HUD required.

Administrative fees for the federal Section 8 rental assistance program were “often used to settle City debt,” Watson claimed, or “as a cushion” to deal with unforeseen city expenses.

Watson said real estate developers sought federal funds for affordable housing and mixed-use projects through a request for proposals process administered by BURA. Watson claimed the process was often manipulated to favor certain developers or projects.

“The City orchestrated a ‘steering’ scheme to position developers to receive City-owned land, federal funding, and privileged inside information,” according to the complaint. “Although BURA completed the RFP process and all appears to be valid on paper, the selection process for these projects was anything but competitive.”


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Watson provided numerous examples that she said illustrated “favorable treatment and conflicts of interest.” The beneficiaries, she claimed, included developers who had close relationships with Mayor Byron Brown and Brendan Mehaffy, the city’s director of strategic planning, who was also vice president of BURA’s nine-member board during Watson’s tenure.

She singled out Creative Structure Services, headed by David Pawlik, “a close friend of Mayor Brown” and former city employee. She claimed 20 percent of federal HOME funds flowing through BURA between 2006 and 2019 went to projects Pawlik had a part in.

Sinatra Real Estate was also a Brown administration favorite, according to Watson. She described the selling and re-selling of land for apartment buildings on Jefferson Avenue that profited Sinatra and Pawlik to the tune of nearly $600,000 in state money, even before anything was even built. BURA granted the project $500,000 in federal HOME funds after Watson was fired.

She also cited the Northland Corridor project, which involved multiple properties on the city’s East Side. The developer was the Buffalo Urban Development Corp., or BUDC, on whose board of directors Mehaffy and Brown both served. BURA — controlled by Brown and Mehaffy — awarded the project $4 million in federal block grant money, and allowed work to begin on the project “even before an application was submitted and a HUD environmental review took place.”

Michael DeGeorge, spokesperson for Mayor Byron Brown, told Investigative Post the lawsuit did not end as a result of a settlement with the federal government. He provided no further comment on the allegations. 

The city’s use of federal anti-poverty funds and BURA itself have been scrutinized before. In 2009, 2011, and 2014, federal investigators identified numerous misuses of federal money. In 2017 — as Watson was calling foul on the Brown administration’s practices from within — a group of East Side residents asked HUD to investigate the city and BURA yet again.

Two weeks before Watson filed her false claims lawsuit, federal agents raided BURA’s offices on the third floor of City Hall, carting out boxes of records. It is unclear whether that raid was related to Watson’s complaint, though several sources told Investigative Post it is improbable, given the timing. 

The False Claims Act entitles the government to collect damages up to three times the amount it was defrauded, and to levy civil penalties between $5,000 and $10,000 for each act of fraud.

In addition to those penalties, Watson asked the court to order the City of Buffalo from “harassing or discriminating against” her.

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The post Former BURA chief alleged City Hall fraud appeared first on Investigative Post.

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The FBI elections raid was political theater — but something far more sinister too



If you thought that President Donald Trump and Georgia Republican candidates for higher office have left the 2020 election in the rearview mirror, think again.

Federal agents on Wednesday were seen seizing records from Fulton County’s election center warehouse as the president continues echoing false claims surrounding his 2020 loss to Democrat Joe Biden. The Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Justice Department have not provided a reason for the raid, but a U.S. magistrate judge signed off on a warrant allowing agents to access a trove of information from ballots to voter rolls.

It doesn’t appear that county or state officials had advanced notice of Wednesday’s raid at the 600,000-square-foot facility in Union City, which is used as a polling place, a site for county election board meetings and a storage facility for ballots and information about Fulton voters.

Concerns about election security are not new in Georgia’s most populous county, which includes Atlanta and routinely gives overwhelming support to Democratic presidential and statewide candidates. But this week’s raid is a major escalation in a years-long battle over election integrity — one that appears to be emerging as more of a political litmus test.

“This is a blatant attempt to distract from the Trump-authorized state violence that killed multiple Americans in Minnesota,” said Democrat Dana Barrett, a Fulton County commissioner who is also running for Secretary of State.

“Sending 25 FBI agents to raid our Fulton County elections office is political theater and part of a concerted effort to take over elections in swing districts across the country.”

The raid comes as the 2026 Republican primary for governor, which features many of the same Republicans who sparred over that year’s election results, is starting to heat up. Both Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and Attorney General Chris Carr have repeatedly vouched for Georgia’s 2020 tally and refused to join any attempts to subvert it, putting them on a collision course with MAGA world over their loyalty to President Donald Trump as they campaign for the state’s top job.

Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, who is running with the president’s endorsement, praised Wednesday’s raid and offered us a preview of what we will likely soon see in his doom-and-gloom campaign commercials.

“Fulton County Elections couldn’t run a bake sale,” Jones said on social media Wednesday. “And unfortunately, our Secretary of State hasn’t fixed the corruption and our Attorney General hasn’t prosecuted it.”

In the months and weeks leading up to the November 2020 vote, Trump’s repeated warnings of potential nefarious activity in that year’s election became part of his rhetoric. Georgia would emerge as the epicenter of the president’s claims of election fraud, even after multiple hand recounts and lawsuits confirmed Biden’s ultimate victory.

His allies in the state Legislature urged leaders to call a special session to reallocate Georgia’s 16 electoral votes. Some Republicans, including Jones, signed a certificate designating themselves as the “electors” who officially vote for president and vice president. And Trump’s January 2021 phone call to Raffensperger, where he urged the secretary to “find” enough votes to erase his defeat, was at the heart of Fulton County’s election racketeering case against Trump and his allies.

The case was dismissed late last year.

Nevertheless, Trump’s claims of fraud have become a key pillar in his party’s political identity: More than half of Republicans in Congress still objected to the certification of Trump’s defeat in the hours following the Jan. 6 Capitol riot. A 2024 national poll from the University of Massachusetts Amherst found that roughly three in ten voters still had questions about the validity of Biden’s win three years prior, a glaring sign of just how mainstream that belief has become among the general public.

Six years later, Trump’s return to the White House hasn’t helped him move on. He continues to say in remarks and at campaign events that he carried the Peach State “three times.” His now-infamous Fulton County mugshot hangs right outside the Oval Office. And he warned of prosecutions against election officials during a speech in Davos this month.

“[Russia’s war with Ukraine] should have never started and it wouldn’t have started if the 2020 U.S. presidential election weren’t rigged. It was a rigged election,” Trump said. “Everybody now knows that. They found out. People will soon be prosecuted for what they did. That’s probably breaking news.”

It’s clear that the past is still very much shaping the present in Georgia Republican politics. This week’s federal raid on the Fulton elections center just adds more fuel to old grudge matches, and a politician’s role in the 2020 election could ultimately determine their political standing.

For candidates like Carr and Raffensperger, the primary could be a test of whether or not there is a political price to pay for defending Georgia’s election results against the barrage of attacks and conspiracy theories. And for Jones, it’s a test of whether election denialism is still an effective political attack for MAGA-aligned candidates to use.

  • Niles Francis recently graduated from Georgia Southern University with a degree in political science and journalism. He has spent the last few years observing and writing about the political maneuvering at Georgia’s state Capitol and regularly publishes updates in a Substack newsletter called Peach State Politics. He is currently studying to earn a graduate degree and is eager to cover another exciting political year in the battleground state where he was born and raised.

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