The passing of the Pope and the politics of the Church

If you were watching the TV evening news on Easter Sunday you saw the videos from Rome.  Pope Francis, assisted in a wheelchair, was taken to a balcony at the Vatican to extend Easter greetings to the faithful; the Vicar’s words were spoken by one of the priests in attendance.  Those images were followed by a scene where the Pope weakly waved to the people in St. Peter’s Square as he rode in the Popemobile.  We woke the following morning to learn that he passed away during the night.

The modest way he led his life carried over to how Francis conducted himself on the world stage.  He was not afraid to speak truth to power when he commented on the tragedies of war, other violence, and injustices against humanity.  He opened up the Church’s doors for rational discussions about matters that his predecessors avoided including LGBTQ issues; not enough for some, too far for others.  The Catholic Church is a 2,000-year-old institution that moves very slowly.  He got the dialogue started with a simple but profound statement:  “who am I to judge?”

Pope Francis’ funeral was held this past weekend and the Church now shifts its attention to who the next pope will be.  The Conclave will begin on May 7.  While there will be divine guidance for those who will make the selection, the members of the College of Cardinals are only human, operating of their own free will.

This blog is entitled Politics and Other Stuff and what we are about to observe happening in Rome has a holy objective.  But that is not to say that, Church rules to the contrary, there will not be some politics and other stuff occurring.

The New York Times recently ran a story about some of the prospective candidates for the papacy, listing seven potential pontiffs.  That is the same number of candidates running for Mayor of Buffalo this year, and just slightly less than the size of the candidate field in New York City’s mayoral race.  Just like those upcoming elections, there are factions involved, both geographically and ideologically.

As an aside, there are even betting odds on the various papal candidates.  Things don’t seem to have gravitated to FanDuel or DraftKings yet.  A popular choice might be an Italian, Cardinal Pizzaballa.

The electorate for the papal decision breaks down geographically like this:

  • From Europe:  45.2 percent
  • Asia:  14.7 percent
  • North America:  14.3 percent
  • South America:  12.7 percent
  • Africa:  11.5 percent
  • Oceania:  1.6 percent

Here is a breakdown of which Pope appointed the current College of Cardinals:

  • Francis:  149 Cardinals
  • Benedict XVI:  62 Cardinals
  • John Paul II:  41 Cardinals

Only Cardinals under the age of 80 are eligible to vote.  The largest block of the 135 who are eligible were appointed by Pope Francis.

(For comparison’s sake I refer you to a breakdown of the Buffalo mayoral candidates’ geography and politics that was published by this blog several months ago.)  The money, bases of support, and voter turnout history that will impact the Buffalo mayoral election | Politics and Other Stuff

I am not for a moment disrespecting the honorable motives of the College of Cardinals who carry the weight of an extremely important decision on their shoulders as they gather to select Pope Francis’ successor.  But they are all men who have all developed from their own personal experiences, connections, and philosophies about how the worldwide Church should function.  They will bring those personal resumes into the Sistine Chapel where the decision will be made.

The Diocese of Buffalo

The Diocese of Buffalo has reportedly reached a potential settlement for the victims of clerical abuse.  The dollar amount is $150 million.  This does not necessarily resolve the issues, with further legal proceedings on deck.  The Church hid and denied the problems for many years with little thought that a day of reckoning would be coming.

The leadership of the Diocese is looking toward its own assets, its insurance coverages, and the resources of its parishes to pay for those past mistakes, regardless of what role the parishes played or did not play in the mismanagement. Representatives of the Diocese have to a certain extent admitted that the planned closing of some parishes may have been determined by the potential re-sale value of the properties.

Some parishes are not buying into the Diocese’s plans to close and merge dozens of parishes.  At least twelve parishes are appealing to the Congregation of the Clergy at the Vatican to allow them to keep functioning. 

Craig Speers, who has been active in the efforts of parishioners at St. Michael’s in Buffalo and is familiar with work at other parishes, tells me:

“The [Road to Renewal] continues to use invalid and illegal grounds to close these parishes, including lack of priests and alleged diocesan financial troubles.  None of these constitute valid grounds for extinguishing parish communities of the faithful or closing schools.  These reprehensible actions by RTR are designed to raid parish treasuries and to sell off their real property assets…  Luckily the Save Our Buffalo Churches group has been instrumental in guidance for parish communities of the faithful appealing the orders of the diocese.  This entire RTR effort has been no more than a smoke screen to hide the moral collapse of the diocese.  It’s sad, but the efforts of these heroic faithful Catholics will continue none the less.”

Greg Gach

Greg Gach passed away last week after a brief illness at the age of 71.  Greg was the complete expert on Erie County government.  At various times in his nearly 40-year career with the county he held positions in the Finance Department, the County Legislature, Erie Community College, and the Comptroller’s Office.  He spent the most years and his work had the greatest impact during his 19 years in the Budget Division, first as First Deputy and then as Director.  As budget director I worked directly with him for three years.

Greg’s knowledge of every budget account, every law and regulation affecting the county, and every player in county government made him an extraordinarily qualified public servant.  Rest in peace, Greg.

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Seeing the National Guard on our streets is bad — but we must beware Trump’s Plan B



I saw some of my former Naval War College colleagues at the recent No Kings rally in Providence. Given that National Guard troops and protestors had clashed in Los Angeles at an earlier June rally protesting ICE raids, we wondered whether we would see National Guard troops as we marched, where they would be from, and their mission? We didn’t. That doesn’t mean, however, that there is no need for concern about the future.

The National Guard is unique to the U.S. military given it is under the authority of both state governors and the federal government and has both a domestic and federal mission. Governors can call up the National Guard when states have a crisis, either a natural disaster or a human-made one. Federal authorities can call on the National Guard for overseas deployment and to enforce federal law.

President Dwight Eisenhower used both federalized National Guard units and regular U.S. Army units to enforce desegregation laws in Arkansas in 1957. But using military troops to intimidate citizens and support partisan politics, especially by bringing National Guard units from other states has never been, and should never be, part of its mission.

But that’s what is happening now.

A host of Democratic U.S. senators, led by Dick Durbin of Illinois, ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, and Jack Reed of Rhode Island, ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, has called for an inquiry into the Trump administration’s recent domestic deployment of active-duty and National Guard troops to Chicago, Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., Portland, Oregon, and Memphis, Tennessee.

In an Oct. 17 letter to the Defense Department’s Inspector General, the senators challenge the legality of the domestic troop deployment and charge that it undermines military readiness and politicizes the nation’s military.

Ostensibly, the troops have been sent to cities “overrun” with crime. Yet data shows that has not been the case. Troops have been sent to largely Democratic-run cities in Democratic-led states.

The case for political theater being the real reason behind the deployment certainly was strengthened when largely Republican Mississippi sent troops to Washington D.C., even though crime in Mississippi cities like Jackson is higher than in D.C. Additionally, there is an even more dangerous purpose to the troop presence — that of normalizing the idea of troops on the streets, a key facet of authoritarian rule.

There are fundamental differences in training and mission between military troops and civilian law enforcement, with troop presence raising the potential for escalation and excessive force, and the erosion of both civil liberties and military readiness.

Troop deployments have hit some stumbling blocks. Judges, including those appointed by President Donald Trump, have in cases like Portland impeded administration attempts to send troops. Mayors and governors, including Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson and Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, have pushed back as well.

While the Trump administration has shown its willingness to ignore the law, it has also shown a significant ability to come up with a “Plan B.” In this case, Plan B, used by many past dictators, is likely the utilization of private military companies (PMC).

Countries have used these mercenary organizations to advance strategic goals abroad in many instances. Though the Wagner Group, fully funded by the Kremlin, was disbanded after a rebellion against the regular Russian military in 2023, Vladimir Putin continues to use PMCs to advance strategic goals in Ukraine and other regions of the world wrapped in a cloak of plausible deniability. Nigeria has used them internally to fight Boko Haram. The United States used Blackwater in Afghanistan in the early days after 9/11. Overall, the use of PMCs abroad is highly controversial as it involves complex tradeoffs between flexibility, expertise and need with considerable risks to accountability, ethics and long-term stability.

Domestically, the use of PMCs offer leaders facing unrest the advantage of creating and operating in legal “gray zones.” Leaders not confident of the loyalty of a country’s armed forces have resorted to these kinds of private armies. Adolf Hitler relied on his paramilitary storm troopers, or “brown shirts” to create and use violence and intimidation against Jews and perceived political opponents. Similarly, Benito Mussolini’s “black shirts,” Serbian paramilitaries, and PMCs in Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya served similar purposes.

President Donald Trump has said he is “open” to the idea of using PMCs to help deport undocumented immigrants. He has militarized Homeland Security agents to send to Portland, evidencing his willingness to circumvent legal challenges. And perhaps most glaringly, poorly qualified and trained masked Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents are already terrorizing American cities.

At the No Kings rally in Providence my former colleagues and I did see a man in an unfamiliar uniform — with a gun and handcuffs — standing alone on the sidewalk along the march path. He wasn’t doing anything threatening, just watching. In the past, he might not have even been noticed.

But that day he was. Some people even waved to him. Protestors are not yet intimidated, but they are wary, and rightfully so.

Be aware, America. They have a Plan B.

  • Joan Johnson-Freese of Newport is professor emeritus of national security affairs at the U.S. Naval War College and a Senior Fellow at Women in International Security. She earned a Ph.D. in international relations and affairs from Kent State University. She is an adjunct Government Department faculty member at Harvard Extension and Summer Schools, teaching courses on women, peace & security, grand strategy & U.S. national security and leadership. Her book, “Leadership in War & Peace: Masculine & Feminine,” was released in March 2025 from Routledge. Her website is joanjohnsonfreese.com.

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