Ron DeSantis is really bad at running for president


Republican presidential candidate Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis delivers remarks at a pro-Israel summit on July 17, 2023, in Arlington, Virginia. | Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

The Florida governor is experiencing the growing pains of running a national campaign.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis can’t seem to catch a break, despite entering the 2024 GOP primary two months ago favored as the candidate most likely to topple former President Donald Trump.

In just the last week, DeSantis’s campaign finance reports have indicated that he’s blowing through cash. There have been staffing shake-ups. Even his big mainstream media debut on CNN Tuesday was overshadowed by Trump’s announcement that he could soon be indicted for his involvement in the January 6, 2021, Capitol insurrection. DeSantis remains more than 30 percentage points behind Trump on average in the polls.

The timing of the CNN interview was an unforeseen misfortune, much like the technical problems that plagued DeSantis’s campaign announcement on Twitter Spaces. But some of what has gone wrong with his campaign stems from his own mistakes. The question is whether he can come back from his troubles given that it’s still early days in the 2024 campaign.

“A presidential campaign is a lot different than a gubernatorial campaign. And his staff is just not measuring up in the same way that he’s not measuring up,” said Mac Stipanovich, a former GOP strategist in Florida who endorsed Joe Biden in 2020. “His incompetence is compounded by his bad luck.”

A pile-up of bad news for DeSantis

DeSantis’s latest campaign finance report, which came out last week, showed warning signs for the GOP hopeful. While he raised more than any other Republican candidate, bringing in $20 million, he has also spent almost $8 million since launching his campaign in late May. What’s more, he isn’t attracting the kind of grassroots donors that Trump has, with less than 15 percent of DeSantis donations coming in amounts of $200 or less.

The campaign has cut staff to keep costs down, suggesting that he hired too many people too early. And the kind of people he’s hired tend to be “obsequious” at a moment when he needs the people around him to challenge the status quo, according to Stipanovich. There has also been some turnover in key roles, with top advisers Dave Abrams and Tucker Obenshain reportedly leaving the campaign for an outside group supporting DeSantis.

His allies have started publicly expressing doubts about his campaign. During a Twitter Spaces earlier this month, a top spokesperson for DeSantis’s super PAC admitted that the campaign was “way behind” and called Trump the “runaway frontrunner.”

His agenda is under siege in his home state, with dozens of lawsuits having been filed against his policies, including controversial restrictions on undocumented immigrants in the state and his attacks on Disney. While he maintains he’ll win out in the end, they are both a distraction and ammunition for his rivals. And the fact that he’s suffered some early losses in a number of those lawsuits, which will likely extend beyond the 2024 election, won’t help his pitch of bringing Florida’s policies to the entire US.

DeSantis is trying to assure voters and donors that he can turn things around. Though he’s largely eschewed mainstream media in favor of friendlier right-wing media outlets, he’s beginning to realize that’s no pathway to the nomination. He sat down with CNN’s Jake Tapper on Tuesday. But it was clear that he wasn’t in his comfort zone, avoiding questions on thorny subjects such as his support for a national abortion ban and ending the war in Ukraine.

“Now he has to go out and face the media and questioning from people who are not carefully vetted and carefully selected. And he doesn’t do well at all because he has no practice at it,” Stipanovich said.

To add insult to injury, news of a third potential Trump indictment stole DeSantis’s thunder and was the first subject that Tapper asked him about — and it’s certainly not the first time the governor had struggled to stand out over his one-time mentor. They’ve held dueling campaign events, and Trump has often tried to one-up DeSantis at critical moments for his campaign: for example, calling his botched 2024 announcement on Twitter a “#DeSaster.”

“Every time DeSantis raises his head, Trump steps on it, in terms of media coverage,” Stipanovich said.

It may be a problem that DeSantis just can’t rectify. The party has far from moved on from Trump, even if the donor class is eager to do so. And at the moment, there’s no sign even a third indictment will change that.

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Last month, some House members publicly acknowledged that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza. It’s a judgment that Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch unequivocally proclaimed a year ago. Israeli human-rights organizations have reached the same conclusion. But such clarity is sparse in Congress.

And no wonder. Genocide denial is needed for continuing to appropriate billions of dollars in weapons to Israel, as most legislators have kept doing. Congress members would find it very difficult to admit that Israeli forces are committing genocide while voting to send them more weaponry.

Three weeks ago, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-MI) introduced a resolution titled “Recognizing the genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza.” Twenty-one House colleagues, all of them Democrats, signed on as co-sponsors. They account for 10 percent of the Democrats in Congress.

In sharp contrast, a national Quinnipiac Poll found that 77 percent of Democrats “think Israel is committing genocide.” That means there is a 67 percent gap between what the elected Democrats are willing to say and what the people who elected them believe. The huge gap has big implications for the party’s primaries in the midterm elections next year, and then in the race for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination.

One of the likely candidates in that race, Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), is speaking out in ways that fit with the overwhelming views of Democratic voters.

“I agree with the UN commission's heartbreaking finding that there is a genocide in Gaza,” he tweeted as autumn began. “What matters is what we do about it – stop military sales that are being used to kill civilians and recognize a Palestinian state.”

Consistent with that position, the California congressman was one of the score of Democrats who signed on as co-sponsors of Tlaib’s resolution the day it was introduced.

In the past, signers of such a resolution would have reason to fear the wrath — and the electoral muscle — of AIPAC, the Israel-can-do-no-wrong lobby. But its intimidation power is waning. AIPAC’s support for Israel does not represent the views of the public, a reality that has begun to dawn on more Democratic officeholders.

“With American support for the Israeli government’s management of the conflict in Gaza undergoing a seismic reversal, and Democratic voters’ support for the Jewish state dropping off steeply, AIPAC is becoming an increasingly toxic brand for some Democrats on Capitol Hill,” the New York Times reported this fall. Notably, “some Democrats who once counted AIPAC among their top donors have in recent weeks refused to take the group’s donations.”

Khanna has become more and more willing to tangle with AIPAC, which is now paying for attack ads against him.

On Thanksgiving, he tweeted about Gaza and accused AIPAC of “asking people to disbelieve what they saw with their own eyes.” Khanna elaborated in a campaign email days ago, writing: “Any politician who caves to special interests on Gaza will never stand up to special interests on corruption, healthcare, housing, or the economy. If we can’t speak with moral clarity when thousands of children are dying, we won’t stand for working Americans when corporate power comes knocking.”

AIPAC isn’t the only well-heeled organization for Israel now struggling with diminished clout. Democratic Majority for Israel, an offshoot of AIPAC that calls itself “an American advocacy group that supports pro-Israel policies within the United States Democratic Party,” is now clearly misnamed. Every bit of recent polling shows that in the interests of accuracy, the organization should change its name to “Democratic Minority for Israel.”

Yet the party’s leadership remains stuck in a bygone era. Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), the chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, typifies how disconnected so many party leaders are from the actual views of Democratic voters. Speaking in Brooklyn three months ago, she flatly claimed that “nine out of 10 Democrats are pro-Israel.” She did not attempt to explain how that could be true when more than seven out of 10 Democrats say Israel is guilty of genocide.

The political issue of complicity with genocide will not go away.

Last week, Amnesty International released a detailed statement documenting that “Israeli authorities are still committing genocide against Palestinians in the occupied Gaza Strip, by continuing to deliberately inflict conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction.” But in Congress, almost every Republican and a large majority of Democrats remain stuck in public denial about Israel’s genocidal policies.

Such denial will be put to the electoral test in Democratic primaries next year, when most incumbents will face an electorate far more morally attuned to Gaza than they are. What easily passes for reasoned judgment and political smarts in Congress will seem more like cluelessness to many Democratic activists and voters who can provide reality checks with their ballots.

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