by Alton H. Maddox, Jr.

I went to New York City Criminal Court on Thursday morning expecting a slam dunk. New York had charged me with driving a vehicle with a suspended license plate. The insurance company had failed to record an insurance payment in a timely manner. I have not owned a vehicle for more than two decades and I was not operating this vehicle when a Black police officer chose to ticket me.

D-Day was Thursday, September 6. Late on September 5, I remembered that I had to be in court the next day. This meant that I had failed to study the terrain, an important lesson in the “Art of War”. The Black Liberation Army had been given insufficient time to move into action. I had also failed to study the judge. Law enforcement was MIA.

The most important mistake I made, however, is that I had underestimated the opposition; namely, the judicial system. I have studied at some of the finest legal academies in the nation. This was post-graduate studies. One of the finest professors was the legendary Hon. Eugene Pincham of Chicago. To him, a hubcap case was a major felony. He was a master litigator.

Enroute to the courthouse, I passed by Stuyvesant High School. Out of approximately five hundred students I speed counted, only one student was a person of African ancestry. This student assembly was almost exclusively Asian and white in a city which is more than sixty percent Latino and Black.

When Mayor Michael Bloomberg disenfranchised Blacks and Latinos in education matters, he proceeded to choose New York City’s future leaders. At the top of the apex would be white children. The second tier would be Asian children and all other children would occupy the third tier. The future of the third tier is the prison-industrial complex. Black and Latino adults have buried their heads in the sand.

The courtroom was operating in three shifts. The first shift of approximately eighty persons was occupying the seats. Two shifts were standing in long lines waiting to enter the courtroom. The New York Police Department and other law enforcement agencies had been quite busy. Whites must enjoy benefit of clergy. There were no white defendants in the courtroom and in the long lines.

When People v. Maddox was called, I approached the bench expecting to cite passages of the U.S. Constitution when the judge announced that Dred Scott would control the outcome of my case. Stated differently, she stated that she would not hear arguments from a pro se litigant.

There was a Black attorney in the courtroom but he chose to remain invisible. A white attorney rushed to my side. He informed the court that I had once been a “leading member” of the New York bar and he was sure that I was able to comply with the Sixth Amendment. He may have been whistling in the wind. The judge was not listening.

In addition to denying me the right to choose my own counsel including myself, the judge intended to punish me financially. Although I had provided free counsel to Blacks on numerous cases, the judge was bent on showing me that Blacks did not believe in reciprocity. In other words, I had spent my legal career defending social parasites. This is called “divide and conquer”.

For nearly forty years, I have tried myriad cases pro se in New York in both state and federal courts. There has never been a judicial objection. I was pro se counsel in Pagones v. Maddox, et. al., the longest civil trial in the history of New York. I was also a pro se litigant in Maddox v. Prudenti, et. al. This case went to the U.S. Supreme Court. There have been countless other cases.

The Black court clerk gestured that I should “Stand Your Ground”. I did. The white attorney said that this case, on its face, was a slam dunk and that I had brought conclusive documentary evidence to court to prove that the police charges were bogus. In fact, the culprit was the NYPD. Former President Bill Clinton had to speak for President Barack Obama on Wednesday night.

The judge hesitatingly inspected the documents with a mountain of questions. Her comparative analysis of the court documents with my documents invited further judicial questions. In the final analysis, there was a match. This should have been foreseen by the Black police officer on May 21, 2012 especially since I had no legal association with the vehicle. Dred Scott had nearly won again. There was no Room in the Inn for the Black Liberation Army.

I was lucky on Thursday. Blacks in New York City have no right to legal nor political representation. My warnings have fallen on deaf ears for nearly four decades. Blacks cannot wait until Thursday, September 13, to endorse their own oppression again in polling booths. Black selected officials are as deadly as cobras or white supremacists.
When I arrived in New York City in 1973, there was no Black liberation movement. There was a Liberation Bookstore but no Black group was challenging white authority. There were Negro pacifists. Some Blacks were seeking knowledge about liberation movements but there was no leading Black nor Black selected official who was not a “puppet” of the white power structure.

I was the first Black person to be employed as a staff attorney and poverty lawyer in Harlem in 1974. Harlem Assertion of Rights was headed by a Black person but he had an employment policy of excluding Blacks and Latinos as attorneys. Stated differently, he was not a fan of Charles Hamilton Houston.

National Black United Front also had white attorneys who were calling the shots. Later, Rev. Al Sharpton told me that I was the only Black attorney he would accept for legal representation in a serious matter even if it were free. Even a Black attorney was to be avoided at all costs despite the fact that the Black legal revolution started at Howard University Law School in the 1920’s. A Black beggar can be choosey.

I was fired from Harlem Assertion of Rights and National Conference of Black Lawyers for insisting on a Black liberation movement in New York. I was told that if I wanted a Black liberation movement in New York City, I would have to pay for it, alone, and staff its headquarters. I did. For nearly twenty years, Blacks in New York were finally getting some semblance of justice.

This was too much for leading Blacks, Black selected officials and ecclesiastical pimps even though I had to establish a private, solo practice with my own money to secure some semblance of justice for Blacks. For nearly twenty years, no Black person contributed a dime to the cause. Black liberation was not a top priority in New York.

In retrospect, it was inevitable that I would be asked about the identity of my “rabbi”. This question was posed by a sincere Black lawyer. When I told him that I did not have a “rabbi”, he promptly told me that my legal career in New York would be ephemeral. He was correct. For Black lawyers, the legal profession entails a master-servant relationship. This is unacceptable.

The death knell for a Black liberation movement in New York happened on May 21, 1990 because of a bill of attainder filed by the New York Legislature. Finally, New York City had gotten its first “Black” mayor. The time was ripe for some racial mischief. The right man was in Gracie Mansion to do the white man’s bidding. After the “Day of Outrage”, Dinkins announced himself as the “Head Negro in Charge”.

David N. Dinkins has had an “illustrious” career. He was a roommate of Robert Abrams in Albany. They became devoted friends with a single purpose. Dinkins had incorporated the National Youth Movement for Rev. Al Sharpton. This launched Sharpton’s career as a Black “agitator” and a “puppet” for Mayor Ed Koch. Dinkins appointed Rev. Herbert Daughtry to head Negro Affairs in Brooklyn.

The Black “problem” in New York City will be solved only if Blacks would walk off the plantation. Harriet Tubman said, in the nineteenth century, that she could have freed more “slaves” if they had only known that they were still in slavery. The offspring of those same “Negroes” are living in New York City today. Listen to the speeches of Malcolm X.

Of course, Harriet Tubman believed in the Second Amendment and especially in her dealings with “slaves”. She would never advise a Black person to trade-in a gun for a toy. “Her “piece” did not discriminate between white supremacists and Negro traitors. They were both dangerous.

If New York City were a community and not a plantation, there would be no “stop and frisk”, no Black fratricide, no warehousing of Blacks, no slave quarters, no Black selected officials, no leading Blacks, no white control of schools, no “free labor”, the presence of censorship and all of the other “badges of slavery”.

Blacks in New York City refuse to walk off the plantation unless “Moses” is white. When the “Black Moses” arrived from Jamaica, leading Negroes, headed by the NAACP, went berserk. When some of Mr. Garvey’s cubs chose to establish United African Movement, history would repeat itself.

Black I.Q. Test

1. What is the difference between a civil rights movement and a silver rights movement?

2. What is the difference between a Black activist and a Black pacifist?

3. What is the difference between a Black elected official and a Black selected official?

4. What is the difference between a Black leader and a leading Black?

5. What is the difference between electoral politics and plantation politics?

Confucius said: “The beginning of wisdom is calling things by their right names”. The use of right words is a condition precedent to critical thinking. 

Too honest for the White Press and too black for much of today’s Black Press; bullet columnist Alton Maddox upsets the same people and status quo as he did as an uncompromising Defense Attorney. He is also a founding member of the Freedom Party. Please sign his Petition to save “Like It Is.” Contact him at c/o UAM P.O. BOX 35 BRONX, NY 10471