The old man-ification of TV is here


Sylvester Stallone stars as Dwight Manfredi in Paramount+’s Tulsa King. | Brian Douglas/Paramount+

Yellowstone has lured a litany of movie legends to take over television in shows like Tulsa King and 1923.

Paramount+’s surprise hit series Tulsa King opens with Sylvester Stallone, our titular king, emerging from prison after a quarter-century spent taking the rap for his mafia family. You might expect him to be disoriented by decades of change, especially after the Family unexpectedly exiles him to dusty Oklahoma to become a prairie overlord. But no, this is just business as usual: En route from the airport, he spots a local, perfectly legal weed dispensary and casually decides to take it over using an M.O. somewhere between insistence and blackmail, even though there’s nothing untoward afoot.

A single shakedown later and Sly’s got the owner under his thumb and a burgeoning criminal enterprise. He slides back into his groove with such ease and familiarity that you know he’s one of the special ones, equally at home in a mob-approved suit or a cowboy hat — as long as he’s the one in control.

Elsewhere, the second episode of FX’s The Old Man begins with a much more classic vista: A stunning Old West-style backdrop of a mountainous region — perhaps meant to be Afghanistan, but filmed in California’s San Jacinto mountains. As we watch, Bill Heck, playing a younger version of the show’s star, Jeff Bridges, appears in the distance, riding a black horse out of the desert to greet Christopher Redman, playing a young John Lithgow. The two men discuss the divergent paths that will eventually lead them to become enemies across CIA lines, with young Jeff Bridges arguing passionately that in a world where the moral rules are murky, good men know each other instinctively. Young Lithgow, the company man, isn’t so sure.

Meanwhile, Paramount+’s limited series 1923 lands in still another part of the West, where a disgruntled sheepherder accuses Harrison Ford’s Jake Dutton of hoarding much-sought grazing lands around Montana’s mighty Yellowstone region. Ford, despite having grown somewhat frail in old age, still intimidates without raising his voice. “I have what my family fought for,” he growls, “Do you want to fight me for it, too?”

Individually, each of these shows evinces a markedly different tone and style — mob dramedy, spy thriller, western — but together, they form variations on a theme. All deliver a nostalgic machismo across rugged landscapes, testosterone-fueled genres in gritty environments, with themes of the American West. They’re part of a striking television trend ushered in by the massive success of Taylor Sheridan’s brutal Yellowstone, and they have one more thing in common with that show, which stars Kevin Costner. They’re headed up by the biggest silver-screen stars of the 1970s, ’80s, ’90s, and, thanks to our baby boomer-infused culture, arguably today.

Rocky, Han Solo, and even the Dude have all come to play formidable men on TV

Of all these series, Tulsa King is the most offbeat. The show sees Stallone using that medicinal weed store to become a full-on kingpin, all while dealing with the fallout from his old life. In between, he picks up strays and coaxes them into his ragtag crime gang; the novelty of all of this happening in Tulsa stays high thanks to recurring bits like a lone horse casually wandering through downtown, or locals double-taking over Stallone’s age. (His character, Dwight Manfredi, is a sprightly 75.)

Tulsa King owes its popularity in large part to that of Yellowstone. Although the newer show streams exclusively on Paramount+, it premiered on the Paramount cable network following the November 13 episode of Yellowstone. The result was a ratings coup and a surge in interest that drove a record number of signups to the streaming platform and resulted in an instant season two renewal. Tulsa King isn’t connected to the Yellowstone universe — at least not yet — but it was created by Sheridan.

The latest pair of veteran actors to drop into the proper Yellowstone-verse via 1923 are veritable Hollywood royalty. Harrison Ford and Helen Mirren star as the patriarch and matriarch of the ruthless Dutton clan in the limited series Yellowstone prequel. 1923 is itself a sequel to another Yellowstone prequel, 1883, which saw film legend Sam Elliot join country music powerhouses Tim McGraw and Faith Hill as they battled the wilds of the Oregon Trail on their way to settle in Montana.

The Old Man isn’t a Sheridan special, but it rounds out the trend with Jeff Bridges playing a man who went MIA from the CIA decades ago, spending his life in hiding, and now finds himself actively on the run.

It’s tempting to ask why all of this is happening now. Do these aging Hollywood veterans with nothing to prove — Stallone turns 77 this year, Bridges is 73, Ford 81 — find some allure in grim stories about the American men that has hitherto eluded them?

Perhaps. For some, it’s the appeal of prestige TV. Higher budgets, less stringent production schedules, and nuanced storytelling all mean that veteran actors can find meaty roles that lend them acclaim without having to don a superhero cape and join the MCU. In Stallone’s case, the appeal was largely personal: Sheridan reportedly wrote Tulsa King’s cheeky pilot episode on a whim, just for him.

It may also partly be a matter of overpopulation. With so many stars aging up but not out of their careers, it’s inevitable that many of the ones who don’t feature in movies like Top Gun: Maverick will find other outlets.

For the stars of Yellowstone, 1923, and even Tulsa King, part of the appeal surely lies with Sheridan, who’s proven to be a kind of red-state whisperer. Born and raised on a Texas ranch, Sheridan spent decades as a successful actor before becoming a far more successful screenwriter, penning a string of well-received films about desperate, destitute Middle America, including Sicario (2015) and Hell or High Water (2016). These established his unique gift for delivering a version of disenfranchised Americans — usually poverty-stricken, frequently but not always white — that transcended ideological lines.

The powerful family at the center of Yellowstone, however, embodies what it means to be “franchised” in America. That makes Costner’s casting as the head of the Dutton family a crucial choice. For one thing, it’s impossible to envision a character like Jack Dutton — owner of the largest fictional ranch in the United States — being played by someone with less visible stature. For another, it’s hard to imagine another movie star better suited for the particular audience demographic Paramount (which was previously male-focused Spike TV, and before that TNN, starting out as the Nashville Network) wants to reach.

But most of all, Costner in particular is famously associated with roles that flout established systems of authority — like the wayward soldier of Dances With Wolves, the maverick lawman Wyatt Earp, and, of course, Robin Hood. When Costner sets out to play an aging patriarch determined to pass his primary values of win-at-all-costs ruthlessness onto his children, he barely even comes across as an anti-hero; he’s just a red-blooded American.

This all holds doubly true for his fictional ancestor in 1923, Harrison Ford. If Costner descends from a long chain of iconoclastic heroes, Ford is a vintage model near the top of the assembly line. Together, he and Mirren represent a nod to classic Hollywood tradition; even the promo posters for 1923 feel like vintage bills for a John Ford Western or a sweeping O. Selznick melodrama.

Harrison Ford and Helen Mirren in 1920’s era Western dress lean on a fence in the Montana countryside.
James Minchin III / Paramount+
Harrison Ford and Helen Mirren in 1923.

The aesthetic of 1923 may be a throwback, but the themes are still familiar to Yellowstone fans. The Dutton family’s conflicts still revolve around land rights, with the ultimate existential truth — that no one can ever really own the land — always pushed aside to discomfit another day.

Sheridan isn’t involved with The Old Man, which comes to us from Black Sails’ writers Robert Levine and Jonathan E. Steinberg. But while Black Sails deconstructed a range of social systems through the lens of destitute pirates, The Old Man seems fully committed to the Sheridan aesthetic, at least initially; its pilot episode takes place almost entirely in the dark and in the dust, every inch an arty Western noir. (It actually opens in Vermont, though, before Bridges’s character, pursued by the CIA, goes on the run to parts unknown.) And while the show gradually opens up to be an uneven international spy thriller, it continues to feel like a Western, thematically and visually.

Throughout the show, Lithgow and Bridges interact with each other and the world around them very deliberately, as if years of making high-powered decisions and carrying secrets has strained their speech. Yet where unease about their individual roles in these high-stakes global conflicts would be, we find instead mainly a grim determination; Lithgow to save himself and Bridges to save his family. It may be no country for old men, but this old man has a very particular set of skills, etc.

On these shows, any larger conflicts are ultimately window-dressing for the escapist fantasy of self-made authority that Yellowstone and its ilk offer, one where power begets more power, not consequences. This model holds true across what we might dub the old maniverse. In it, the wisdom of Hollywood’s elders lends itself not to passivity and weakness but to unapologetic traditionalism straight out of the Jesus and John Wayne playbook.

The lure of greed, fortune, and power

There’s a reason, after all, that most of these stories are married in some way to the American West. The lure of wide open spaces isn’t just about attaining property and power, but about becoming a self-made individual. Men like Ford, Stallone, Bridges, and Costner have embodied that mythos on our screens; they’re the ones who can teach us how to become fearsome beholden-to-no-one forces to be reckoned with.

On the one hand, there’s something familiar about this trend. Capitalizing on rosy traditionalism is not new. But by allowing characters like Bridges’s Dan and Stallone’s Dwight to represent the boomer perspective, these shows manage to repackage consumerist nostalgia in a way that feels authoritative. And by using actors whose popularity spans multiple decades and generations, they’re also arguably making such frameworks palatable not just for boomers but for Gen X and younger generations.

These characters express a generational anxiety about aging, whether it’s a frustration with kids these days, fear of becoming obsolete, or exasperation at all this newfangled technology. Tulsa King, for example, turns all of these tropes into comedic running gags, while they linger, acknowledged but mostly not dwelt upon, in the background of Bridges’s life in Old Man. It’s a concern, but a concern held lightly, and mostly with dignity, masking the greater power struggle they face.

After all, every generation faces a reckoning with old age and has to negotiate its own fantasy of maintaining power and relevance. While horror movies of late have dealt with anxiety about old age by treating aging itself as a kind of unstoppable horror villain, the old maniverse gives us confident, powerful men who simply eye-roll at their advancing age and get on with it. (This shrug was almost literal in Bridges’s case. In 2020, he was diagnosed with non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, which required him to step away from filming The Old Man, complete cancer treatment, survive Covid, and then resume filming, shaken but not deterred.)

This approach to generational difference, too, is a fantasy about power: how it’s held and how it’s earned. These narratives frame their protagonists’ traditionalist paradigms as an existential conflict between themselves and the modern world. While other beloved shows like Stranger Things express their nostalgia by transporting us back in time, shows like Yellowstone and its ilk express their longing for a different age by constantly reinforcing their worldviews and refusing to allow much of an alternative. These aren’t shows that address systemic change because they don’t think systemically at all; they align with individualism at all costs. That their (white, male, boomer) protagonists may have benefited from the American system is, well, not really something worth investigating.

The appeal of that approach is clear. It only takes Stallone an episode and a half to begin complaining about his confusion over modern culture gone awry. “What the fuck is with the pronouns?” he chortles; he’s not entirely outraged, just condescendingly bemused at the rest of us, who haven’t yet figured out that foibles masquerading as societal rules don’t actually matter.

It’s too easy to label the appeal of these shows as simply that they’re “not woke,” however — their lure is something more primal. The Yellowstone model bespeaks a kind of return to 19th-century manifest destiny, but without any illusions that the American dream is about equal opportunity and egalitarianism. No, in these shows, it’s purely and simply about greed, fortune, and power. That may not hold much sway with millennials or Gen Z, but these shows’ ability to attract the older generations is undeniable. Why watch yet another diverse, polite, and bland Netflix ensemble when you could watch Kevin Costner punch his own son in the face and then blame his kid for getting punched? The brazenness, the lack of apology, and the braggadocio of it all are part of the fantasy. These aren’t the Roys of Succession’s upper-crust New York, coasting on faint veneers of respectability; these are the Duttons of Montana, by way of rugged prairie crossings and bloodshed, the one and only Manfredi of Oklahoma, by way of New York City and prison. They never needed your approval.

They already have something better: your undivided attention.

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Parker accused of shoving advocate at Capitol

With help from Shawn Ness

New from New York

Happening now:

  • Michael Carey, an advocate for disabled patients and a regular presence at the state Capitol, said he was pushed by state Sen. Kevin Parker.
  • Labor chairs of the state Legislature want to do more to protect retail workers.
  • Efforts to move migrants upstate to five counties has been slow going.
  • There was a new graduating class of the State Police today.
Michael Carey, a disability advocate who is fighting for legislation on behalf of his late son, said he was shoved twice by Brooklyn state Sen. Kevin Parker at an energy committee meeting in the Capitol.

CAPITOL FIGHT: State Sen. Kevin Parker allegedly shoved disability rights advocate Michael Carey before the start of the Senate Energy Committee meeting today, according to Carey and two other individuals who witnessed the altercation.

Carey, who is known to be vocal with lawmakers, shared with POLITICO a copy of a police report he filed, which can be read here.

In it, Carey alleges the lawmaker got in his face and screamed “I don’t care,” before putting his hands on him twice and shoving him in front of a room full of people, according to the report and a subsequent interview.

At the same time the incident was unfolding, shouting can be heard on the recording of the elections committee happening next door on the Capitol’s first floor.

Parker did not respond to multiple requests for comment from Playbook.

He is known for his explosive outbursts and physical altercations, which include allegedly shoving a legislative staffer, breaking a New York Post photographer’s camera and cursing out other lawmakers. Carey said he had been completely unaware of that history, which includes being convicted of a misdemeanor for the altercation with the Post photographer.

“This is multiple situations,” Carey said. “He's a danger to other people. He was a danger to me.”

The disability advocate said the incident started minutes before the committee meeting, when he asked Parker to cosponsor a 911 civil rights bill, which he is trying to make law in memory of his son who died in 2007 at a group home.

When Parker, chair of the energy committee, said he was looking into the matter, Carey said he told Parker the issue was analogous to Martin Luther King Jr.’s fight against discrimination and reminded Parker of his son's death. Parker then yelled “I don’t care” when Carey brought up his dead son and got inches away from Carey’s face before shoving him, according to Carey.

Witnesses, who were granted anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter, said Carey was also shouting at Parker during the incident.

Carey then said he left the meeting and requested a State Police officer come to the scene. He asked the officer to inform Parker that if he apologized to Carey he would not press charges. Parker did not apologize and instead invoked his right to counsel, Carey said.

“I was kind of shocked, he didn’t apologize,” he said.

State Sen. Mario R. Mattera, a Long Island Republican who serves as the ranking member on the Energy Committee, also said he witnessed the altercation but declined to go into detail.

“There was tensions, yes, there was tensions, and it was unfortunate in a lot of ways, but that's something that Senator Parker and that gentleman need to get through, and hopefully they can,” Mattera said.

He also said it was inappropriate for Carey to take up the issue of the bill at the committee meeting instead of trying to speak with Parker in his office.

Carey said he wants a restraining order against the senator.

“I understand when people don’t deal with anger issues, they’ll go on to hurt other people,” Carey said. — Jason Beeferman

The state Legislature's labor chairs said that Gov. Kathy Hochul needs to do more to crack down on retail theft.

RETAIL CRIME IS NOT OVER: Gov. Kathy Hochul pushed hard to get a budget deal that included cracking down on retail theft, but the Legislature’s labor chairs said that state government needs to go further to protect workers.

“There were some things done in the budget regarding retail workers that were punitive and all about law enforcement,” Assemblymember Harry Bronson, a Rochester Democrat, said. “We need more than that.”

The budget upgraded assaults on retail workers from a misdemeanor to a felony. It also created dedicated retail theft teams for state and local law enforcement and added $5 million in tax breaks for store security cameras and other anti-theft expenses.

But labor advocates say they need more proactive, instead of “punitive,” measures to protect retail workers.

They’re pushing for the Retail Worker Safety Act, sponsored by Bronson and state Sen. Jessica Ramos, that would require retailers in the state to train employees on de-escalation and violence prevention tactics.

The two lawmakers also rallied for three other labor bills this week: to reduce warehouse worker injuries; to set standards for extreme temperatures while working in agriculture, construction and other industries and a third to oversee nail salon workers’ rights.

“We have a very important decision to make on whether we're going to tilt the scales towards the workers or we're going to continue to allow for the scale to be tilted towards the bosses,” Ramos said Tuesday at a rally at the Capitol. “And I say no to that. I say, ‘Yes’ to protections for the workers.”

The Retail Council of New York State is working to counter Ramos and Bronson’s Retail Worker Safety Act.

“The costly mandates proposed in the bill — including onerous recordkeeping requirements, panic buttons and additional security guards — will do little, if anything, to address recidivists entering stores with the intent to engage in illegal activity such as shoplifting and assault,” Melissa O’Connor, the group’s president, wrote in a memorandum of opposition.

Justin Henry, a spokesperson for Hochul, did not comment on the labor chairs’ bills, but instead pointed to Hochul’s comments on the retail theft earlier this month:

“No one wants to see the shops in their neighborhood boarded up because business owners simply say, ‘I can't do this anymore. It's just not working. It's not worth it,’” Hochul said at a post-budget retail theft press conference. “That threatens the very vitality of these communities, which I will stop at nothing to protect.” — Jason Beeferman

The program designed to relocate migrant families outside New York City has only relocated 283 families to five counties across the state.

MIGRANT RELOCATION: After the state launched a program to relocate migrant families moving to New York City to upstate regions last August, it has only relocated 283 families, according to the Office of Temporary and Disability Assistance, which administers the program. Read the full story here.

Only five counties have received families: Albany, Erie, Monroe, Westchester and Suffolk; all of which have below-average housing vacancy rates. Nearly 1,000 families have been put on a waiting list or were deemed ineligible after being referred to the program.

“We're pretty much maxed out. We've been maxed out. I only have 320,000 residents in this county, and we already have a housing crisis,” said Albany County Executive Dan McCoy. “We're having issues putting people in housing.”

And plans to offer bonuses and incentives to landlords to join in on the program have not been very successful. Despite those woes, the state is still committed to relocating families.

“OTDA is committed to assisting migrant families that choose to relocate through the Migrant Relocation Assistance Program,” the agency said in a statement. — Shawn Ness

The new class of 228 state troopers have graduated from the police academy.

GRAD SZN: The State Police force is now up to 4,977 officers after Hochul congratulated 228 new troopers after they graduated from the academy today.

“Today’s graduates have dedicated themselves to a life of public service and are making a commitment to serve and protect all New Yorkers,” Hochul said in a statement.

Three different awards were also presented to a select few graduates. Nicholas Krafft was given the Academic Performance Award; Matthew Grant was given the Firearms Proficiency Award; and Dominick Battaglia was given the Investigator Joseph T. Aversa Physical Fitness Award.

“Today’s ceremony is one of our finest traditions and introduces a new generation of highly trained men and women to the New York State Police. These new Troopers will serve New Yorkers with honor, integrity, and bravery, and I welcome them to our ranks,” state police superintendent Steven James said in a statement. — Shawn Ness

POLL OBSERVER PUSH: Advocates are calling on lawmakers to pass a bill to let nonpartisan groups be certified to send neutral observers to poll sites on Election Day.

“In this highly polarized context, having neutral eyes on the ground to be able to verify what’s actually happening in our polling places, which 99 percent of the time is organized and exactly as we want to it be, helps to increase transparency and to improve the public’s faith in elections,” Common Cause New York executive director Susan Lerner said.

She noted that under current law, the only people who can be certified to be observers are picked by candidates and parties.

“This seems to be a pretty straightforward and commonsense solution to a problem that occasionally arises, where a voter is improperly turned away for whatever reason,” said state Sen. James Skoufis, who sponsors the bill with Assemblymember Amy Paulin. — Bill Mahoney

MIGRANT CRISIS: Assemblymember Ed Ra and other lawmakers in the GOP minority conference are calling for a legislative hearing with New York City officials and organizations that are under contract to provide migrant-related services.

The Times Union reported on Monday about ongoing concerns with one of the key vendors, DocGo.

“This year, the state budget allocated $2.4 billion to address the migrant crisis, a considerable expansion of an expenditure for New York’s taxpayers to shoulder. Without the guardrails needed for fiscal responsibility, these funds are at risk of the fraud and abuse we have become accustomed to with emergency government contracts that lack transparency and oversight guidance,” Ra, a Long Island Republican, said in a statement.

Republicans are also calling for the passage of one of Ra’s bills that would mandate the reporting and auditing on how money for migrant programs are being spent. It is co-sponsored by fellow Republicans. — Shawn Ness

— Two New York Democrats have reintroduced a federal bill that restricts the public’s access to body armor one day after the two-year anniversary of the Buffalo Tops shooting. (State of Politics)

— State legislators are working on passing a bill to incentivize emergency medical service providers to keep working. (Times Union)

— The Seneca Nation of Indians is still in tense negotiations with the state on its compact. (POLITICO Pro)