Conservatives gloat as Congress starts off with little to show

The new Congress has accomplished almost nothing so far — and conservatives are quite pleased about it.

For Republicans who want to slow President Joe Biden’s agenda and court confrontation with Democrats, the beginning of the year has played out beautifully. The House and Senate have not passed any new laws, the speaker is jostling with Biden over the debt ceiling and the new Congress’ most significant collaboration was agreeing to meet for the State of the Union.

The Democratic Senate has held just eight roll-call votes on nominees and approved only one piece of new legislation alongside a host of non-binding resolutions. The House GOP, meanwhile, has rammed through dozens of bills — few, if any, of which have a chance of coming to the Senate floor.

It’s a preview of the long slog that Washington expects during divided government. But the limping pace is also a textbook example of the strategy some Republicans hope to execute for the next two years, running out the clock on Biden’s presidency and betting on beating him in 2024.

Summing up the view of many conservatives, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) said: “Every day Senate Democrats are not destroying America is a good day.”’

House conservatives extracted myriad concessions from Speaker Kevin McCarthy, winning historic sway over key levers of Congress — including the panel that sets the chamber’s floor votes. Even in the Senate, the GOP’s right flank is celebrating the sleepy six weeks since being sworn in on Jan. 3 and mounting its first-ever challenge to Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell.

Congress will assuredly have to clear legislation this year to raise the debt ceiling and fund the government. Yet there are few signs of anything else making its way to Biden’s desk. The Senate spent its first three weeks in recess, and then a long GOP internal fight over committee assignments delayed Senate organization for another two weeks.

“I actually appreciate this go-slow approach,” said Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.), who said the country needs a “breather” after the past two years. “It’s time to slow down.”

Over in the House, McCarthy’s bruising fight for the speakership gave way to a “honeymoon” period, as Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) cheekily put it. While the party then moved quickly to pass a series of bills — including two on abortion and one that aimed to rescind new IRS funding — those proposals will serve little purpose beyond political messaging, since they won’t survive the Democrat-controlled Senate or the president’s veto.

It’s not all sunshine for Republican leaders, who had to pull other pieces of legislation favored by conservatives. That included two police bills, one that aimed to “hold prosecutors accountable” and another that expressed support for law enforcement.

Yet their swift passage of legislation that has little chance of becoming law is allowing the narrow House majority to divide Democrats on issues like autonomy from Congress for the D.C. government, as well as to ding Senate Democrats — who one month ago watched McCarthy fight for his political life and are just now ramping up their pace.

“We’re crashing through. We’ve passed a lot of our priorities. We split the Democrats on many of these votes,” said Rep. Richard Hudson (R-N.C.), head of the House GOP campaign arm. “What matters is: Are we going to be able to get our spending bills done? And I’m hopeful that we’ll see some activity over there on their side.”

The tables could always quickly turn, particularly when the debt-ceiling negotiations ramp up this summer, given the possibility that centrist Republicans could team with Democrats to ice out the right.

For now, though, both Senate and House conservatives are emboldened. That looks different depending on the chamber you look at: 10 Republican senators opposed McConnell’s election as GOP leader, and challenger Rick Scott (R-Fla.) is among those still battling with the Kentuckian, accusing him of using panel assignments as retribution (“Of course, he tossed me off the committee, because I ran against him,” Scott said of the Commerce Committee).

In the House, McCarthy won over much of his opposition after a bruising speaker fight, leading to praise from unusual corners like Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), who said that “Kevin has kept his promises” to the right.

The House’s comparatively rapid pace, for now, is no surprise given the procedural constraints in the Senate. But at some point, roughly 18 months from now, upper-chamber Democrats will run out of floor time before the election and perhaps regret that they didn’t jump in more quickly.

That’s in part due to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s decision to start the year on a three-week recess. Following that break, the chamber’s Democrats contend that Republicans intentionally slowed committee organization during an internal fight over where senators like Rick Scott and a new crop of GOP freshmen would end up.

Schumer says at least having a 51-49 majority will allow them to evade some GOP roadblocks.

“Republicans want to slow-walk because they can’t stand that the Democrats are in the majority,” said Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), the Senate Banking Committee chair. “It’s always a slow start. But this has been worse.”

McCarthy seemed to enjoy watching Democrats across the building, remarking last month: “Is the Senate even in this week? What did they do this week? Oh, yeah, they haven’t been in.”

The last Senate started at a similarly glacial pace, with McConnell delaying an organizing resolution and the chamber forced to immediately take up an impeachment trial for former President Donald Trump after Democrats took slim control of the chamber. But Schumer pivoted quickly to a Covid aid package, kicking off a historical period of legislating between an evenly divided Senate and a small House Democratic majority.

In a split government, any legislative goals will have to be more circumspect. Schumer is looking to bring a modest tax treaty with Chile to the Senate floor soon, along with repeal of the authorization for use of military force that cleared the way for the George W. Bush-era invasion of Iraq.

And while House Republicans joked that gridlock is good when there is a Democratic president in office, some were also optimistic about bipartisan goals, even with the 2024 presidential election looming.

“You can get big things done when you can share the blame,” said Hudson, pointing to the debt ceiling.

In the immediate term, Democrats are shifting their focus to what can be done unilaterally.

Senate Democrats just confirmed their first judge of this Congress, and Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), who chairs the chamber’s Judiciary Committee, said the party is “ready to roll” on dozens more.

“We want to get moving,” said Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), the No. 3 Democrat.

But even then, a single Republican can slow down Circuit Court nominees for up to 30 hours — a gambit that adds up over time. It’s just one more example of why the right isn’t exactly upset about the halting start.

“From their perspective, yes,” it’s a problem, said Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst, the No. 4 GOP leader and a more conservative member of party leadership. “From our perspective, it’s been great.”

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Mushroom farming hit by urgent labor shortage amid immigrant deportations



By Hazel Velasco Palacios, Penn State and Kathleen Sexsmith, Penn State

“I had never worked with mushrooms before,” Luis said, reflecting on his time in Chester County’s mushroom industry. “But my family has always worked in agriculture, so I like it. I’m used to hard work.”

Luis, whose name is a pseudonym to protect his identity, is part of the latest wave of immigrant workers who have, for decades, come to Chester County to work in Pennsylvania’s US$1.1 billion mushroom industry. He is a Venezuelan migrant who was granted Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, under the 2023 designation. TPS allows foreign nationals already in the U.S. to remain for six, 12 or 18 months – regardless of how they entered – if their home country is deemed too dangerous for them to return.

In February 2025, President Donald Trump terminated TPS for Venezuelans who received protection under the 2023 expansion. According to the Department of Homeland Security, this designation had allowed approximately 348,000 Venezuelans to remain in the U.S. legally, with many eligible for work authorization. Meanwhile, Venezuelans who were granted TPS under the earlier 2021 designation can retain their status until Sept. 10, 2025. This provides temporary relief but leaves their long-term status uncertain.

We are rural sociologists – a Penn State professor and a Ph.D. candidate – who study labor, migration and agriculture in the U.S. Our research examines how industries such as mushroom farming maintain a stable workforce. One of us recently published an article in the peer-reviewed journal Rural Sociology that highlights how Pennsylvania’s mushroom industry was already struggling with a labor shortage.

The termination of TPS for many Venezuelans, along with President Donald Trump’s broader immigration policies – including stricter border enforcement, increased deportations and tighter restrictions on work permits and asylum protections – will likely shrink the pool of available workers in Pennsylvania’s mushroom industry and other agricultural and food industries.

Photo of a water tower with 'Kennett Square Mushroom Capital of the World' painted on it

Kennett Square, Pa., bills itself as the ‘mushroom capital of the world.’

Nolabob/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Changing face of the mushroom workforce

The mushroom industry in Pennsylvania has been shaped and sustained by major waves of U.S. immigration since the late 19th century.

William Swayne, a Quaker florist, is credited with beginning mushroom cultivation in Kennett Square, a small borough in Chester County, in the 1880s.

However, it was Italian immigrants, who began arriving in the early 20th century, who transformed Kennett Square into the “mushroom capital of the world.”

Today, Pennsylvania produces 69% of all mushrooms sold in the U.S.

According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Chester County alone produced 199 million pounds of mushrooms – mostly white button mushrooms – in the 2023-24 season. While Chester County remains the hub of production, mushroom farms also extend into adjacent Berks County and parts of northeastern Maryland.

Yet, workforce instability remains a pressing issue, as the industry has struggled for decades to recruit and retain workers.

Mushroom picking is physically demanding. Workers in humid, enclosed growing rooms carefully harvest delicate mushrooms by hand to prevent bruising. Pay is structured around a piece-rate system, where earnings depend on speed and productivity. While this model allows some workers to earn more, it also creates instability, as take-home pay fluctuates based on harvest conditions and market demand. These factors make it difficult to maintain a stable workforce.

As a result, mushroom production in Pennsylvania is highly dependent on immigrant labor. While there are no national statistics tracking the nationalities of workers in the industry, our empirical studies and ongoing field research indicate that most of today’s workers are from Mexico and Guatemala. In recent years, more have arrived from Venezuela and elsewhere.

Many of these newer arrivals have entered the U.S. through programs such as TPS and the Processes for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans, or CHNV. CHNV allows certain people from those four countries who have a sponsor in the U.S. and who pass a background check to live and work in the U.S. for two years. It was established to grant temporary work authorization to individuals fleeing crises in their home countries.

TPS and CHNV have been instrumental in addressing labor shortages in essential U.S. industries such as agriculture.

At the same time, the long-standing Mexican mushroom workforce is undergoing a generational shift and aging out of field labor. Their U.S.-born children sometimes work harvesting jobs in their teens but are unlikely to stay in agriculture long term.

Rise of mushroom labor contractors

To fill employment gaps, many mushroom farms now turn to labor contractors to recruit, manage and employ workers.

Contractors typically handle payroll, workers’ compensation and access to medical care if someone is injured.

On the surface, this system offers benefits for growers. It allows them to adjust their workforce depending on demand while reducing administrative burden and liability.

But for workers, this system can be a double-edged sword.

Evidence from other agricultural industries shows that workers hired through contractors may have less job security, fewer or no benefits, and less direct contact with farm owners – which makes it more difficult to negotiate wages or report workplace concerns.

Some Kennett Square farmworkers we have interviewed see contractors as a source of flexibility.

“I had to miss work for some weeks because my kid was sick, and I lost my spot,” one worker shared. “But then I reached out to a contractor and was able to get another job at a different farm within a day.”

However, that same worker went on to say that this new farm “has wider harvesting beds, and I am getting more tired and have more pain because of it.”

In other words, while labor contractors provide continuity in employment, workers may have less control over where they are placed or the conditions they work under.

For growers, contractors serve as an effective stopgap to keep mushroom farms in operation, but they do not solve their ongoing problem of attracting long-term employees.

Fewer workers, more expensive mushrooms

With fewer workers, mushroom farms may struggle to meet the demand from grocery stores, restaurants and food processors.

A reduced supply could mean customers pay more for mushrooms at grocery stores and restaurants. If retailers must source mushrooms from other states or abroad, prices could rise further due to transportation expenses, tariffs and supply chain disruptions.

Without policies that recognize the industry’s year-round labor needs, Pennsylvania mushroom growers will be left scrambling for alternative workforce solutions.

Lawmakers have attempted to address this issue through the Farm Workforce Modernization Act of 2021, which passed the House but stalled in the Senate. If enacted, the bill would create a Certified Agricultural Worker status, which would offer legal protection to experienced farmworkers, and expand H-2A visa eligibility to agricultural workers in year-round jobs such as mushroom farming. The bill also includes a mandatory phase-in of E-Verify for agricultural employers, a federal system used to confirm workers’ legal authorization to work in the U.S.

For now, mushroom farms – and the broader agricultural sector – must prepare for the ripple effects of more rigid immigration restrictions. Without intervention from policymakers, the strain on workers, growers and consumers is likely to intensify.

Read more of our stories about Pennsylvania.The Conversation

Hazel Velasco Palacios, Ph.D. Candidate in Rural Sociology & Women's, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Penn State and Kathleen Sexsmith, Assistant Professor of Rural Sociology, Penn State

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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