America may be headed for this rare type of economic crisis

Traders work on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during morning trading on March 04, 2025 in New York City. | Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images

President Donald Trump’s decision to impose large tariffs on all foreign imports has triggered a global trade war, stock market collapse — and predictions of an imminent recession.

In the wake of Trump’s tariff announcement last week, JP Morgan raised its odds of a US recession to 60 percent, up from 40 percent. Other banks have similarly adjusted their economic forecasts downward. 

What makes these forecasts especially disconcerting, however, is that the US is at risk of slipping into an especially dreadful type of recession: one characterized by “stagflation” — meaning, the simultaneous presence of stagnant growth, rising inflation, and elevated unemployment.

Here is a brief guide to what stagflation is, why it’s so feared, how it occurs, and whether Trump’s policies will cause it. 

What is stagflation and why is it so feared?

Typically, when economic growth slows or sputters out entirely, unemployment increases and inflation falls. This is because weak economic growth — or an outright recession — lowers consumer demand. 

To understand these dynamics, it might be helpful to picture the economy as an extremely large and complicated auction. Consumers bid against each other for access to goods and services. And the more money that these bidders have to spend, the higher they can push up prices.

If policymakers increase demand to fight unemployment, they make inflation worse; if they remove demand to fight inflation, they make unemployment worse. 

In a recession, firms tend to cut staff and withhold raises from their remaining employees. That leaves consumers with less disposable income. As a result, companies see fewer bids for their products. To move their inventory, they’re forced to cut prices (or at least, avoid price increases). At the same time, firms also scale back production, investing in fewer new stores or factories. And that pullback in investment leads to even higher unemployment and thus, even fewer bidders in the vast auction that is the consumer economy.

This feedback loop can be quite damaging. But traditional recessions are also easy for the government to end: All it needs to do is raise economic demand. Send stimulus checks to households, and consumers will have more money to spend. Cut interest rates to zero, and companies will have incentive to invest. Pretty soon, businesses will see healthy bids for their products, and expand hiring to keep up. 

By itself, inflation is also a fairly easy problem to solve. When demand races ahead of supply — triggering a bidding war between consumers that sends prices soaring — the government can remove demand from the economy by raising taxes and interest rates.

But stagflation brings the worst of both worlds — and ties the government’s hands. If policymakers increase demand to fight unemployment, they make inflation worse; if they remove demand to fight inflation, they make unemployment worse. 

For this reason, stagflation is an especially menacing economic malady. It is also quite rare.

How does stagflation happen?

In order for a country to see rising unemployment and prices simultaneously, some force needs to undermine the supply side of its economy. In the 1970s — the last period when America suffered a stagflation crisis — that force was a sudden shortage of energy. When the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) imposed an oil embargo on the United States in 1973, energy suddenly became scarce in America.

As consumers and businesses bid against each other for a scant supply of fossil fuels, the price of energy soared. And since energy is required to produce goods and services, the prices of everything else also jumped. 

At the same time, high energy prices discouraged investment, in much the same way that high interest rates do: Faced with elevated costs of production, businesses were forced to scale back their operations, laying off workers in the process. 

Thus, growth slowed, unemployment rose, and prices surged all at the same time. And the government struggled to mount an effective response. Stagflation unraveled the presidencies of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter. The Federal Reserve ultimately decided that it could only resolve the crisis by engineering a massive recession through 20 percent interest rates. 

Today, however, no foreign power is imposing a supply shock on the United States. Instead, at Trump’s behest, America is poised to impose one on itself.

Will Trump’s tariffs lead to stagflation?

Trump’s tariffs function as taxes on imported goods. When an American retailer imports T-shirts from Vietnam, they will now need to pay a 46 percent tax on that purchase. If they try to get that apparel from Bangladesh instead, they’ll pay a 37 percent tax.

And this same basic story holds for all other goods from all other countries, though the exact rate varies by nation.

The effect of all these tariffs is to abruptly choke off Americans’ access to affordable goods and materials from overseas. This has the effect of increasing inflation. According to an estimate from the Budget Lab at Yale, Trump’s tariffs are poised to raise America’s price level by 2.3 percent in 2025 — a spurt of inflation that would cost the average US household $3,800.

At the same time, the tariffs are likely to slow growth and increase unemployment. Facing higher costs — and deepening economic uncertainty — businesses are already saying that they plan to hold off on new investments. Consumers, meanwhile, will have less disposable income, sapping demand. This would likely lead employers to cut staff.

Normally, falling consumer demand would lead businesses to slash prices. But since American companies are now facing a supply shock and rising costs of production, they may not be able to. For these reasons, many economists are expecting stagflationary conditions, at least in the short term.

“The risk of stagflation just took off like a rocket, particularly if you factor in retaliation by most trading partners,” Olu Sonola, the head of US economic research at Fitch Ratings, told Barron’s.

Trump’s tariffs have already caused a sell-off in the stock market, reflecting an investor consensus that growth is sure to be much weaker now than it otherwise would have been. And the president reinforced investors’ alarm over the weekend by signaling that he will not lift his tariffs on any country, unless that nation eliminates its trade deficit in goods with the United States, a demand that many foreign governments can’t possibly meet. What’s more, the irrationality of this objective — there is no reason why the US should run a trade surplus with every country on the planet, including low-income nations that can’t afford to consume lots of American products — has further eroded the market’s confidence in Trump’s judgement.

If a stagflation crisis does materialize, policymakers could struggle to adequately respond. The Fed is already having a difficult time deciding whether it should cut interest rates, which would help compensate for the tariffs’ negative impact on growth, but exacerbate their effect on inflation. 

Why the US economy could still avoid prolonged stagflation

Economists broadly agree that Trump’s tariffs are likely to produce both higher inflation and slower growth. But opinions differ on whether the his trade war will lead to a recession or  prolonged period of stagflation. For example, even as JP Morgan argues that a 2025 recession is now more likely than not, Oxford Economics maintains that the US will likely avoid recession this year.

There are a few reasons for thinking the US will avert a sustained stagflation crisis. First, the labor market remains healthy for the moment; in March, the economy added more jobs than expected and the unemployment rate sits at 4.2 percent. 

Trump is running an economic experiment without precedent in modern history.

Second, many goods from America’s two biggest trading partners — Canada and Mexico — are exempt from tariffs. It is unclear the White House will keep these exemptions in place indefinitely. But for now, they are limiting the impact of Trump’s trade war.

Third, although tariffs are all-but certain to generate a onetime increase in prices — accelerating inflation in the short term — their impact on long-run inflation is less clear. Since tariffs shrink consumers’ disposable income, they reduce demand. Therefore, after first dramatically increasing the price level, Trump’s tariffs may subsequently slow price growth (aka inflation) as they force Americans to buy less stuff and increase unemployment. 

All in all, a return to a 1970s-level stagflation crisis is unlikely. But the precise consequences of Trump’s tariffs are difficult to anticipate, especially since they could trigger unpredictable responses from America’s trade partners; already, China has imposed 34 percent tariffs on US goods. 

In any case, Trump is running an economic experiment without precedent in modern history. In recent months, American tariffs have risen from historically low levels to their highest point since 1909. No one can be sure about all the consequences of such a radical policy change. In the near term though, higher inflation and slower growth look like a certainty.

Update, April 7, 12:50 pm: This story, originally published April 7, has been updated to include further impacts on the stock market.

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Trump’s house of lies collapses under this undeniable fact



Look, Zohran Mamdani is not the future of the Democratic Party.

I know this is true, because the same was said of Eric Adams. New York City’s outgoing mayor did not live up to his billing. Its incoming mayor (presumably) is almost certainly not going to live up to his. The reason isn’t because Mamdani will become as corrupt as Adams became (though who knows?). The reason is that New York is New York.

Yes, it’s the largest urban center in the country. Yes, its influence cannot be overstated. But what’s good, or bad, for New York isn’t necessarily what’s good, or bad, for America. It may no longer be entirely true that all politics is local, but most of politics still is.

Once you accept the truth of this, all other considerations of Mamdani and the rest of the Democratic Party seem rather dull, as he becomes just another politician in a constellation of politicians who figured out how to appeal to a winning majority in their respective constituencies.

Once you accept that a city isn’t a metaphor for a country, or for a national party, the talk about how he’s dividing Democrats looks kinda stupid. Yes, he calls himself a democratic socialist. So what? Is that going to work in a place like Virginia? Maybe, but probably not. If it did, someone would have tried it. Since no one has, there’s your answer.

Think of it this way. Donald Trump is from New York. His business is based there. He represents the city’s elites. But he’s never won there. Three straight campaigns made no difference. Is anyone going to seriously suggest that, in this context, as New York goes, so goes the country (or so goes the GOP)? No, because that would be stupid.

Yet somehow, seemingly no one thinks how stupid it is to ask if Mamdani is the future of the Democrats, because only the Democrats, never the Republicans, are subjected to that kind of questioning. The reason for this is rooted in the Democratic Party itself, among certain elites who want to prevent it from becoming a fully realized people’s party. And they do this, foremost, by accepting as true the premise of the lies told about the Democrats by Trump and the Republicans.

What lies? First, remember that the number of actual democratic socialists in the Democratic Party (I’m talking about people who choose to call themselves by that name) is vanishingly small. Only two have any kind of national profile. (They are US Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont and New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Sanders doesn’t really count. He’s technically an independent.)

This stone-cold fact means nothing to Donald Trump. All Democrats, all liberals, all progressives, all leftists, and all socialists, democratic and otherwise, are the name. They are radical Marxist anarchist communists or whatever word salad pops into his soupy brain. There are no enemies to his right. There is nothing but enemies to his left. Does he respect his enemies enough to speak truthfully about them?

No, he lies.

His lies are what certain elites inside the Democratic Party are paying the most attention to. They are not celebrating Mamdani’s success. They are not defending him on the merits. They are not standing on the truth. They are not even standing in solidarity. What they are most focused on is the lies Donald Trump tells, which are magnified by the right-wing media complex, which are echoed by the press corps.

And what they see is either a fight they believe can’t be won or an opportunity to shiv a competing faction within the Democratic Party. Either way requires accepting as true the lies told about their own people, thus making it seem perfectly reasonable to wonder if winning a major election in America’s biggest city is good for the Democrats.

(The answer: don’t be stupid. Of course, it is.)

That these certain elites would rather surrender to lies than fight them tells us their beef with Mamdani isn’t about ideology. (It’s not about whether “democratic socialism,” or any other school of thought, would be appealing to voters outside New York.) It’s about how Mamdani, but specifically lies about him, complicates messaging efforts in a media landscape already heavily coded in favor of Donald Trump, especially of his view of the Democrats, which is that they’re all communists.

Those who are worried about Mamdani’s impact on the Democrats also take for granted the assertion that voters rejected Kamala Harris on ideological grounds – that her policies were out of touch with voters whose main concern was good-paying jobs and lower inflation.

They are ignoring that Harris actually campaigned on so-called working-class issues and that few voters could hear her working-class messaging over the din of Trump’s lies about her. The crisis facing the Democrats is not one of ideology. It’s a crisis of information. Certain elites are pretending otherwise, because it’s better for them if they do.

Mamdani’s victory is a local matter. That is the lesson for certain elites inside the party. It’s also a lesson for their loudest critics.

Certain progressives, let’s call them, believe that Mamdani’s popularity comes from focusing on class (the cost of living in New York). They believe that by doing so, he transcended “identity politics” to amass a following sizable enough to defeat the Democratic establishment.

This overlooks the fact that the establishment, in the form of the DNC and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, are backing him. But more important is again the question of ideology. Certain elites think his will turn off voters outside New York. Certain progressive think it will turn them on. They believe a class-based ideology is the unifying force that working people across the country have needed. They just can’t see it, they say, because the establishment gets in the way.

But race and class can’t be easily disentangled, not in America. To many Americans, the idea of government of, by and for the people is a perversion of the “natural order.” It flattens the hierarchies of and within race and class. This belief is bone deep in many of us. It prevents lots of white Americans from being in solidarity with nonwhite Americans, even if they face similar grinding hardships.

Most of all, such thinking overlooks the basics. Many New Yorkers struggle to make ends meet. Housing is too high. Healthcare is too expensive. Food is too much. I trust Mamdani when he says he’s a democratic socialist. But I also trust that he’s not fool enough to believe that struggle is the same as class consciousness. He identified the problem. He asked voters to give him the power to try to solve it.

That’s not ideology.

That’s just good politics.

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