Report: Tax breaks costing schools big money

Public schools across the state are losing out on close to $2 billion a year — and probably a whole lot more — because of tax breaks given to corporations by economic development agencies.

That’s among the conclusions of a study released today by Good Jobs First, a national research group that tracks economic development subsidies. The report said tax breaks affecting schools in New York far outpace those in other states.

That lost revenue has prompted state lawmakers, including Sen. Sean Ryan, to propose legislation that would prohibit economic development agencies from abating property and sales taxes that are due school districts.

“I believe we put ourselves in this position with our [IDAs] where they were trading school funding and kids futures, you know, to make speculative business deals,” Ryan said in a recent interview with Investigative Post.

Overall, the report found, New York schools lost $1.8 billion in revenue in the 2021 fiscal year, all thanks to state and local tax subsidies to corporations. 

The report understates the amount of money schools are losing out on because only about half of districts self-reported in annual financial statements how much revenue they lost because of tax abatements.

Some recent big-ticket tax subsidies also aren’t accounted for. They include $124 million in tax breaks for an Amazon warehouse in Niagara County and even larger tax abatements for a proposed Micron semiconductor plant near Syracuse.

The $1.8 billion that was reported amounts to about 5 percent of the state’s $34.4 billion aid to schools. The report notes the money New York schools lose each year to tax abatements ranks the state first in the nation for lost revenue. South Carolina ranks second. 

The data, however, was especially limited in Western New York, as only 13 of 100 school districts in the eight counties reported revenue losses.

Warsaw Central School District in Wyoming County lost more money per student than any local district. It lost $2.7 million in revenue during the 2021 fiscal year, or $3,189 per student.

Another Wyoming County’ district, Letchworth Central Schools, lost $2.4 million, or $2,687 per student.

In Chautauqua County, the Dunkirk City School District lost $4.8 million, or $2,400 per student.

Good Jobs First estimated that Buffalo schools lost between $1.5 and $2.5 million, due to property and sales tax abatements issued by the Erie County IDA and city development agencies. 

Overall, public schools in Western New York lost between $16.9 million and $17.9 million to tax abatements in the 2021 fiscal year. Again, that’s with only 13 of 100 districts reporting.

“Even though they are typically the biggest losers of revenue to abatements, New York school districts have no formal authority to interject themselves into IDA negotiations,” the report states.

Across the state, 37 districts lost out on $1,000 or more in funding per student. The state average for all districts is a loss of $541 per pupil. New York spends on average about $14,000 per student. 

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The report comes on the heels of state Ryan and state Assemblyman Harry Bronson proposing legislation that would prohibit IDAs from giving out tax subsidies that affect school revenue. Such legislation could upend how IDAs operate, as the largest portion of IDA tax breaks are discounts on property taxes, and most school districts fund their budgets primarily through property taxes.

Ryan, who is scheduled to take part in a press event with Good Jobs First on Wednesday in Albany, argued recently that reducing the power of IDAs to abate taxes would not only help students, but possibly save taxpayer dollars. When IDAs reduce school district budgets, he said, district leaders turn to the state to make up the difference.

​​”But as the IDAs keep exempting large payers from taxes, it just means the state portion has to grow,” he said. “It's almost like we're taking money out of one pocket and putting it into the next pocket.”

The report concludes that “problems with New York State IDAs are numerous and persistent.” Good Jobs First recommends abolishing IDAs altogether or significantly reforming them.

“Short of [elimination] we recommend prohibiting IDAs from entering into agreements that abate school tax revenues,” the report states. “The alternative is the status quo: ever-higher property tax rates on New York residents to mask the large and rising costs of corporate tax abatements.”


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Additional recommendations for reform include giving labor unions, community groups, education professionals and affordable housing advocates positions and veto powers on IDA boards.

Good Jobs First has also called on state Comptroller Thomas DiNappoli to better track lost school revenue.

Ryan, for his part, is sponsoring Senate Bill 89. The Buffalo Democrat wants to bring the bill to a vote this spring, after the Legislature enacts a state budget in April.

“I think we can get agreement around it,” Ryan said. “IDAs kind of operate in the shadows.”

The post Report: Tax breaks costing schools big money appeared first on Investigative Post.

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The FBI elections raid was political theater — but something far more sinister too



If you thought that President Donald Trump and Georgia Republican candidates for higher office have left the 2020 election in the rearview mirror, think again.

Federal agents on Wednesday were seen seizing records from Fulton County’s election center warehouse as the president continues echoing false claims surrounding his 2020 loss to Democrat Joe Biden. The Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Justice Department have not provided a reason for the raid, but a U.S. magistrate judge signed off on a warrant allowing agents to access a trove of information from ballots to voter rolls.

It doesn’t appear that county or state officials had advanced notice of Wednesday’s raid at the 600,000-square-foot facility in Union City, which is used as a polling place, a site for county election board meetings and a storage facility for ballots and information about Fulton voters.

Concerns about election security are not new in Georgia’s most populous county, which includes Atlanta and routinely gives overwhelming support to Democratic presidential and statewide candidates. But this week’s raid is a major escalation in a years-long battle over election integrity — one that appears to be emerging as more of a political litmus test.

“This is a blatant attempt to distract from the Trump-authorized state violence that killed multiple Americans in Minnesota,” said Democrat Dana Barrett, a Fulton County commissioner who is also running for Secretary of State.

“Sending 25 FBI agents to raid our Fulton County elections office is political theater and part of a concerted effort to take over elections in swing districts across the country.”

The raid comes as the 2026 Republican primary for governor, which features many of the same Republicans who sparred over that year’s election results, is starting to heat up. Both Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and Attorney General Chris Carr have repeatedly vouched for Georgia’s 2020 tally and refused to join any attempts to subvert it, putting them on a collision course with MAGA world over their loyalty to President Donald Trump as they campaign for the state’s top job.

Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, who is running with the president’s endorsement, praised Wednesday’s raid and offered us a preview of what we will likely soon see in his doom-and-gloom campaign commercials.

“Fulton County Elections couldn’t run a bake sale,” Jones said on social media Wednesday. “And unfortunately, our Secretary of State hasn’t fixed the corruption and our Attorney General hasn’t prosecuted it.”

In the months and weeks leading up to the November 2020 vote, Trump’s repeated warnings of potential nefarious activity in that year’s election became part of his rhetoric. Georgia would emerge as the epicenter of the president’s claims of election fraud, even after multiple hand recounts and lawsuits confirmed Biden’s ultimate victory.

His allies in the state Legislature urged leaders to call a special session to reallocate Georgia’s 16 electoral votes. Some Republicans, including Jones, signed a certificate designating themselves as the “electors” who officially vote for president and vice president. And Trump’s January 2021 phone call to Raffensperger, where he urged the secretary to “find” enough votes to erase his defeat, was at the heart of Fulton County’s election racketeering case against Trump and his allies.

The case was dismissed late last year.

Nevertheless, Trump’s claims of fraud have become a key pillar in his party’s political identity: More than half of Republicans in Congress still objected to the certification of Trump’s defeat in the hours following the Jan. 6 Capitol riot. A 2024 national poll from the University of Massachusetts Amherst found that roughly three in ten voters still had questions about the validity of Biden’s win three years prior, a glaring sign of just how mainstream that belief has become among the general public.

Six years later, Trump’s return to the White House hasn’t helped him move on. He continues to say in remarks and at campaign events that he carried the Peach State “three times.” His now-infamous Fulton County mugshot hangs right outside the Oval Office. And he warned of prosecutions against election officials during a speech in Davos this month.

“[Russia’s war with Ukraine] should have never started and it wouldn’t have started if the 2020 U.S. presidential election weren’t rigged. It was a rigged election,” Trump said. “Everybody now knows that. They found out. People will soon be prosecuted for what they did. That’s probably breaking news.”

It’s clear that the past is still very much shaping the present in Georgia Republican politics. This week’s federal raid on the Fulton elections center just adds more fuel to old grudge matches, and a politician’s role in the 2020 election could ultimately determine their political standing.

For candidates like Carr and Raffensperger, the primary could be a test of whether or not there is a political price to pay for defending Georgia’s election results against the barrage of attacks and conspiracy theories. And for Jones, it’s a test of whether election denialism is still an effective political attack for MAGA-aligned candidates to use.

  • Niles Francis recently graduated from Georgia Southern University with a degree in political science and journalism. He has spent the last few years observing and writing about the political maneuvering at Georgia’s state Capitol and regularly publishes updates in a Substack newsletter called Peach State Politics. He is currently studying to earn a graduate degree and is eager to cover another exciting political year in the battleground state where he was born and raised.